Donald Tusk
Prime Minister
Al. Ujazdowskie 1/3
00-583 Warszawa
Zielona Gora, 14 November 2012
Dear Prime Minister,
I am writing to you again. I am doing
this not only in my own name, but also in the name of all those who
already have been liquidated by the same methods, as those applied
against me.
The context of the matter as well as
the action of persons on different steps of the administrative and
government ladder indicate that I am persecuted for political
reasons. I am a descendant of the true Polish elites. Before WWII my
grandmother was a teacher and my grandfather was a graduate of the
Wilno conservatory, who fought in the 1939 campaign and was later
imprisoned by the Soviet Union in Kozielsk and after the war was
again imprisoned by the communist regime imposed by Moscow.
The series of provocations started in
September 2011 with an attack of a subordinate, a piano teacher, a
protege of the regional supervisor of the Ministry of Culture, and
was continued by the representatives of higher levels of the state
hierarchy.
I was attacked both as the head of the
school's piano section and the head of the school's Parents Council.
I proved that the school director paid
for the insurance of school buildings and school property from the
funds of the Parents Council, without parents knowledge and without
even trying to obtain their approval. In a civilized country the cost
of the property insurance is borne by the owner, who in this case is
the Minister of Culture and National Heritage. The Ministry decided
to suppress the matter and to suppress the psychological violence in
an artistic learning institution it supervises.
The insurance was only the tip of the
iceberg. Other matters came out that were the result of an incredible
failure on the part of the school director.
A decision was made to silence me
permanently through an incredible bullying campaign, while various
acute forms of ill-treatment continued. In order to mask the process
of a systematic liquidation of me as a human being the perpetrators
tried to create an impression that this was just a personal conflict
first with my subordinate and later with the school director.
The regional supervisor of the Ministry
of Culture, Krystyna Karcz, ordered falsification of documents that
were supposed to simulate a lawful functioning of the school. However
those documents should have been in existence for at least several
years. The document dates were fictionally assigned to various dates
in the past. The documents manufactured on supervisor's order were
examined by several Ministry inspectors. Documents related to the
day-to-day functioning of the school were also falsified: meetings
minutes, protocols of the school's pedagogical council. Letters
expressing various forms of slander against me were fabricated.
Falsified documentation formed the
basis for the protocols of two ministerial inspections carried out by
the Ministry inspectors, who claimed that my objections were
groundless and suggested a personal conflict with the school director
instead.
In those cases, where documentation
forging was not possible, the Ministry representative prof. Wiktor
Jędrzejec pretended to be unable to understand the plain language of
charges I had made. This was the case e.g. of the director awarding
the Master of Arts title to the person with insufficient education,
who could not legally conduct actions where the M.A. title was
required. The vaguely formulated ministerial decrees were interpreted
by the Ministry representatives in a completely arbitrary manner. For
example, the Ministry stated that there is absolutely no problem in
introducing new teaching programs in the middle of a schoolyear, just
before the mid-year auditions, in violation of the article 22a of the
educational system act. Unsigned and undated school documents were
treated as legally valid. When I described examples of being
persecuted in the period January-March 2012, prof. Wiktor Jędrzejec
repeated his mantra that an inspection conducted in December 2011 did
not find that I was being victimized.
Having reached the limits of my
endurance, I went to the local prosecutor office. I delivered my
deposition twice, relating facts supported by material evidence. The
first hearing was uneventful, although some disconcerting signals
were evident: the prosecutor tried to persuade me to change my
testimony. The hearing with the second prosecutor, who took the
matter over from the first one, was a very traumatic experience,
whose aim was obviously to discourage me from further contacts with
the prosecutor office. The prosecutor was arrogant and hostile. He
kept interrupting my story, trying to prevent me from formulating
orderly, rational and clear sentences. He treated me as if I was the
villain and not the person seeking justice and informing about
violations of law. Eventually prosecutor Paweł Sawicki falsified my
testimony. He "investigated" the matter under charges that
I had not made. He completely ignored the bullying campaign conducted
against me in my workplace. In February 2012 he closed the matter
deciding not to open any proceedings.
When on 6 March 2012 I personally
delivered an extensive documentation to the Ministry of Culture in
Warsaw, I was immediately fired from the position of head of the
piano section. To this day I have not received any justification for
the firing. Lack of such justification violates article 39a of the
Education System Act in a most obvious way.
I spoke to eight different lawyers.
They all said I stood no chance of winning against the authorities,
while at the same time I would most probably be fired from the school
altogether.
In September and October 2012 I sent
the Minister of Culture Bogdan Zdrojewski additional proofs of lies
and falsifications of people engaged in this extraordinary matter.
The documents implicated the participation of prof. Wiktor Jędrzejec
from the Department of Artistic Schools and Cultural Education of the
Ministry of Culture.
My correspondence addressed to the
Minister for direct personal delivery was sent back to me unopened.
I am including my two last letters to
the Ministry, dated 7 September 2012 and 5 October 2012.
Prof. Wiktor Jędrzejec responded to
both of them in a letter of 8 October 2012, mailed from Warsaw on 17
October 2012, in the following way:
It is aimless to try to investigate the
matters which you specified in attachments 1, 2, and 3 to your letter
of 7 September 2012, to which you already received replies in letters
mentioned in point 4 above. These replies were based on the findings
of two investigative proceedings, carried out by the inspectors of
the Ministry on 19-20 December 2011 and on 3-4 April 2012. Thus, in
accordance with the article 239 paragraph 1 of the Code of
Administrative Procedure, the Department of Artistic Schools and
Cultural Education upholds the replies given in earlier letters to
you (see letter of 8 October 2012 DEK/3917/12).
The yellow postal card which serves as
the confirmation of delivery contained no name of the sender of this
ministerial letter. That side of the card remained empty. I am
mentioning this because during the previous year the correspondence
between me and the Ministry encountered several problems. One of the
letters sent to me by the regional inspector of the Ministry in
Zielona Gora in December 2011 took nine days to arrive to Zielona
Gora (i.e. it took nine days for the letter to travel several hundred
meters).
Falsification of documents continues to
this day. Illegal acts, falsehoods, lies cannot be hidden by simply
putting documents into an archive and closing the school year. Quite
obviously the Ministry inspections were not meant to change anything
in the Zielona Gora state music school but to provide an excuse for
delivery of both social and mental death to me.
I am still forced by the director to
break the law under the threat of being fired.
As a result of psychological violence
my health suffered very significantly. I used to be a specimen of a
healthy human being, but since October 2011 I was not able to survive
a day without sedatives. I was constantly in touch with the doctors
who tried to identify the reason for this radical collapse. I
breathed with difficulty. I had uncontrolled bouts of coughing that
prevented me from normal functioning and communicating with people
around me. After cardiological and laryngological tests it was clear that deteriorated health was caused by extreme stress. Since
the persecution and bullying continued, despite the fact that I
informed about it the Ministry inspectors, department directors at
the Ministry, the primary
care physician suggested a visit to a psychiatrist. An advice of a
supposedly leading specialist was limited to a cynical statement,
that this is what you usually get "when you stand up against
those in power". He prescribed psychotropic pills which quickly
lead to addiction. I will never forget the time when I was getting up
in the morning with tears in my eyes, dreaming of this bestiality to
end. I persevered thanks to my family's support. If I were a single
person, I would certainly not be among the living anymore.
So what do you say to this, Mr. Prime
Minister? In whose name, on whose orders the manhunt for Malgorzata
Gluchowska was issued? I ask you for a full detailed reply.
My experience, backed up by material
proofs and extensive documentation enable me to formulate the
following statement: The effort of the authorities on different
levels of the state ladder is focused on proving that the persecuted
person has no argument, that the perpetrators are right. This state
apparatus confirms and upholds all the illegal acts at the lower
rungs of the hierarchy. Each little cog of this evil machinery
remains in place, happily doing what is expected of him/her. The
victim is treated as an outlaw. The criminal apparatus, hiding under
the cover of state authorities conducts a regular manhunt for any
citizen who was brave enough to try to use laws theoretically
guaranteed by the constitution and other legal acts.
This same state apparatus suddenly
becomes incompetent when state constitution, law, decency and common
sense should be applied, when human dignity and human rights must be
respected. At that very moment this apparatus suddenly becomes
extremely powerless and unable to carry out even the most obvious and
simple actions. Clearly it is not legal acts and not the constitution
that form the axis, around which the activity of this apparatus is
organized.
My case is representative for a wider
phenomenon, which is a planned extermination of the Polish elites.
This process is based on the following elements,
(1) systematic blocking of careers of
ambitious independent individuals, talented and willing to engage in
social activities,
(2) theft of intellectual property,
(3) provocation, slander, smear aimed
at destroying emotional stability and public image of the attacked
persons,
(4) liquidation by all available means of the social capital
possessed by such person. These activities
follow carefully designed scenarios.
This specific know-how of liquidating
individuals was developed under the communist dictatorship. For
example in the German Democratic Republic the Stasi secret police ran
carefully prepared and scripted campaigns against oponents of the
communist dictatorship, aiming at destroying their psyche and
destroying them as social beings. The program was called Die
Zersetzung. The Polish communist regime used similar methods. The
writer Stanislaw Mackiewicz described in his book Russian Minds in
Fetters (Myśl w obcęgach, 1929) the process of liquidating people
designated by the Bolsheviks as outcasts (so-called lishentsi) in the
Soviet Union. Similar phenomena and similar methods are at the core
of the criminal activities with which we are dealing in Poland today.
The aim is still the same. To liquidate
anyone, who is says "no" to breaking of the most
elementary constitutional rights and rules of common decency by the
authorities.
I can testify in front of parliamentary
commissions to tell the story of my fight for truth
and teacher's dignity, while being at
the same time an ordinary woman, wife and mother. Let us look closely
at the methods that transformed a happy, lively woman into a wrecked
human being in the period of several months. I have plenty to speak
about. I hope that neither you nor Sejm
(i.e. Polish "parliament") will evade the problem presented
here.
My good name and my reputation are
among my most precious possessions and I insist on explaining this
whole shameful provocation. This should be done also in the interest
of the entire country, because my case is not the only one.
I expect from you, Mr. Prime Minister,
an answer to this letter. During the whole year of my fight for
dignity and truth no one from the Ministry of Culture expressed even
the slightest inkling for a direct contact with me. Minister
Zdrojewski is silent. In response to my letters to the Prime Minister
I received a reply in a typical bureaucratese that "the letter
was handed over to an appropriate office for a review and reponse".
Mr. Prime Minister, I already have gone all the way through the lower
instances. I already know extremely well how the Polish state
non-functions. I am writing to you personally, so that you do not
hand over the letter to some other office. Letters addressed to the
Prime Minister are letters addressed exactly to the Prime Minister,
not to someone in one of the ministries. I would not try to absorb
the attention of your office if the state apparatus had been doing
its job. However, because I was persecuted and the very same state
apparatus fully approved this, including the Ministry of Culture and
National Heritage, my letters to you should not be sent back to the
Ministry of Culture. You are the addressee of this letter, Mr. Prime
Minister. I hope you will not refrain from answering my letter.
Yours sincerely,
Małgorzata Głuchowska
Piano teacher of the 1st and the 2nd
level school of music in Zielona Gora
